Volume 53, Issues 3-4, 2022

LINGUISTIC INQUIRY (SSCI二区，2021 IF：1.549) 2022年第3-4期共发文19篇，其中研究性论文4篇，评论和回应8篇，讨论7篇。研究论文涉及时相成分、作格现象、一致操作、关系词、和谐串行理论、所有结构与介词融合、e-raising、格允准、右节点提升（RNR）与孤岛效应、辖域孤岛、谓语分裂与中心词移位、不和谐词序、复现代词等。欢迎转发扩散！（2022年已更完）

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刊讯｜SSCI 期刊《语言学探究》2022年第1-2期

目录

Issue 3

Articles

■ How Subjects and Possessors Can Obviate Phasehood, by Nick Huang, Pages 427–458.

■ Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan, by Rebecca Tollan, Lauren Clemens, Pages 459-499.

Remarks and Replies

■ We Don’t Agree (Only) Upward, by András Bárány, Jenneke van der Wal, Pages 501–521.

■ Whatever His Arguments, Whatever-Relatives Are Not Free Relatives: A Reply to Caponigro’s Reply, by Caterina Donati, Francesca Foppolo, Ingrid Konrad, Carlo Cecchetto, Pages 522–550.

■ Head and Dependent Marking in Clausal Possession, by Peter Hallman, Pages 551–570.

■ Hvor ‘Each’ Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic: E-Raising + Short Main Verb Movement, by Halldór Ármann Sigurðsson, Jim Wood, Einar Freyr Sigurðsson, Pages 571–588.

Squibs and Discussion

■ Evidence from Sason Arabic for Ā-Movement Feeding Case-Licensing Relations, by Faruk Akkuş, Pages 589–607.

■ Movement and Islands in Right Node Raising, by Takayuki Kimura, Pages 608–616.

■ Directional Constraint Evaluation Solves the Problem of Ties in Harmonic Serialism, by Andrew Lamont, Pages 617–632.

Issue 4

Articles

■ Rethinking Scope Islands, by Chris Barker, Pages 633–661.

■ Predicate Clefting and Long Head Movement in Finnish, by Pauli Brattico, Pages 663–705.

Remarks and Replies

■ Ergativity in Tabasaran: A Reply to Woolford 2015, by Natalia Bogomolova, Pages 707–734.

■ Translation Mining: Definiteness across Languages (A Reply to Jenks 2018), by David Bremmers, Jianan Liu, Martijn van der Klis, Bert Le Bruyn, Pages 735–752.

■ The Grammar of PP-like Free Relatives: Evidence from Subordinate wo-Clauses in German, by Sebastian Bücking, Pages 753–779.

■ Revisiting the Syntax of Monsters in Uyghur, by Travis Major, Pages 780–807.

Squibs and Discussion

■ Disharmony and the Final-Over-Final Condition in Amahuaca, by Emily Clem, Pages 809–822.

■ The Pronoun Which Comprehenders Who Process It in Islands Derive a Benefit , by Christopher Hammerly, Pages 823–835.

■ Shifting Interactions and Countershifting Opacity: A Note on Opacity in Harmonic Serialism, by Ezer Rasin, Pages 836–851.

■ Some Formal Implications of Deletion Saltation, by Jennifer L. Smith, Pages 852–864.

摘要

How Subjects and Possessors Can Obviate Phasehood

Nick Huang, Department of English Language and Literature, National University of Singapore

Abstract Recent proposals on phases claim that locality restrictions are obviated when the subject of a clausal phase has certain syntactic or discourse properties, suggesting that phasehood is acquired over the course of a derivation. I evaluate these claims with acceptability judgment experiments and argue that these phase-related locality effects can be derived from independently motivated principles, such as Feature Inheritance/Value-Transfer Simultaneity or the Principle of Minimal Compliance. I further point out similar effects with possessors and nominals in English, expanding the empirical domain. The nominal data constitute a novel argument for treating nominals as phases and strengthen the case for a general theory of phases that can account for these effects.

Key words phases, bound pronouns, subjects, locality, nominals, possessors

Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan

Rebecca Tollan, Department of Linguistics and Cognitive Science, University of Delaware

Lauren Clemens, Department of Anthropology, Program in Linguistics and Cognitive Science, University at Albany, SUNY

Abstract This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absolutive DP cannot extract, whereas arguments merged above or below them can. In developing an approach to syntactic ergativity grounded in sentence processing, we highlight the need for deeper conversation among formal, typological, and processing-driven syntax.

Key words ergativity, Mayan, wh-dependencies, sentence processing

We Don’t Agree (Only) Upward 

András Bárány, Bielefeld University, Faculty of Linguistics and Literary Studies

Jenneke van der Wal, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics

Abstract For Bjorkman and Zeijlstra (2019), Agree consists of two operations: checking and valuation. Checking involves (a) probing, always upward from an uninterpretable feature [uF] to an interpretable feature [iF] c-commanding it, and (b) [iF]’s checking [uF]. Valuation generally happens downward, with the valuer c-commanding the valuee. Upward valuation, in which the probe c-commands the goal, is exceptional and only occurs if downward valuation has failed. In this reply, we argue that this approach is not supported empirically. We present data from Matengo, German, Serbo-Croatian, Sambaa, Liko, and Nez Perce, arguing that upward valuation must be available more generally than Bjorkman and Zeijlstra suggest.

Key words upward Agree, checking, subject agreement, object agreement, complementizer agreement, morphosyntax

Whatever His Arguments, Whatever-Relatives Are Not Free Relatives: A Reply to Caponigro’s Reply

Caterina Donati, LLF (CNRS & Université de Paris)

Francesca Foppolo, Department of Psychology, University of Milan-Bicocca

Ingrid Konrad, UMR Inserm U1253 Imagerie et Cerveau (iBrain), Université de Tours

Carlo Cecchetto, SFL (CNRS & Université Paris VIII) and University of Milan-Bicocca

Abstract This is a reply to Caponigro 2019, which argues that the phrase structure theory proposed in Donati and Cecchetto 2011 and Cecchetto and Donati 2015 falls short of accounting for the attested patterns of free relative clauses. Caponigro questions the reliability of the data supporting D&C’s hypothesis that ever-relatives introduced by a phrase (ever+NP relatives) should not be assimilated to free relatives. This reply reports the findings of four controlled experiments in English and Italian and discusses five properties that set free relatives apart from full relatives (occurrence with a complementizer, occurrence with a relative pronoun, infinitival use, absolute use, adverbial use). Crucially, ever+NP relatives do not pattern like free relatives in any of these five domains, either in Italian or in English. This clearly shows that ever-relatives are not a counterexample to D&C’s phrase structure theory. Another potential counterexample, Romanian free relatives, is also discussed. As for ever+NP relatives, in Italian they are shown to be garden-variety headed relatives, while in English they are headed relatives that involve a D-to-D movement that is responsible for the syntactic formation of the complex determiner what+ever.

Key words free relatives, full relatives, ever-relatives, labeling

Head and Dependent Marking in Clausal Possession 

Peter Hallman, Austrian Research Institute for Artificial Intelligence

Abstract This article presents a new perspective on the derivational source for transitive verbs of possession. These are commonly postulated to be derived from a preposition expressing possession by incorporation of the preposition into an auxiliary. I reframe the contrast between prepositional and verbal expression of possession as an opposition between dependent and head marking of the possession relation, implemented syntactically as marking of either the specifier or the head of the projection encoding the possession relation. This conclusion is inferred from an investigation of Syrian Arabic showing that morphemes expressing possession alternate between a prepositional and a verbal use, but the verbal use does not involve incorporation of functional material. Evidence is presented that languages that show such incorporation, that is, where possession is expressed by a term of the form Aux+P, have passed through a diachronic stage similar to contemporary Syrian, where P functions as a verb in its own right. These considerations support the conclusion that transitive verbs of possession are derived not by preposition incorporation but by reanalysis of dependent marking as head marking, which may or may not feed incorporation.

Key words possession, preposition incorporation, head marking, dependent marking, argument structure, Arabic

Hvor ‘Each’ Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic: E-Raising + Short Main Verb Movement

Halldór Ármann Sigurðsson, Lund University, SOL, Centre for Languages and Literature

Jim Wood, Yale University, Department of Linguistics

Einar Freyr Sigurðsson, The Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic Studies

Abstract We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor ‘each’ in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar ‘each other’, and the distributive construction hvor sinn ‘each their’, which also comes in a sinn hvor ‘their each’ version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what they say about the syntax of nonfinite verbs. Specifically, the word order and case properties of these constructions indicate that nonfinite verbs in Icelandic undergo short verb movement within the verb phrase. That is, the evidence indicates that the leftmost element in these constructions, alternatively hvor or sinn, originates inside an object DP and moves, by what we call e-raising, to the base position of an antecedent with which it agrees, before being stranded by that very antecedent. Nevertheless, the verb appears to the left of this element, even when it is a nonfinite verb, showing that it must undergo short movement to the left of Spec,vP. In addition, the interaction of e-raising and case has important consequences for Case theory, as it indicates that case agreement and case marking take place in PF.

Key words Icelandic, e-raising, ‘each’, reciprocals, distributives, word order, short verb movement, case

Evidence from Sason Arabic for Ā-Movement Feeding Case-Licensing Relations 

Faruk Akkuş, Department of Linguistics, University of Massachusetts Amherst

Abstract This squib presents an argument for a locality-based, Case-theoretic licensing approach to configurations in which certain positions cannot be occupied by overt material at Spell-Out. Investigating an indirect causative construction in Sason Arabic, I demonstrate that the embedded agent is separated from its licenser by a phase domain, and as such cannot be Case-licensed. Ā-movement makes licensing possible, placing the embedded agent and its licenser in a local configuration. I also show that this approach fares better than alternative hypotheses such as the Exfoliation account or a PF-based account.

Key words Case licensing, Ā-movement, locality, phase, causatives, Arabic

Movement and Islands in Right Node Raising 

Takayuki Kimura, JSPS Research Fellow and Chuo University, Faculty of Letters

Abstract This squib considers the syntax of Right Node Raising (RNR) and offers evidence for the movement analysis of RNR (e.g., Ross 1967). I argue that the shared rightmost DP in RNR survives VP-ellipsis, suggesting that it moves to a position higher than the base position. Moreover, when VP-ellipsis applies to RNR with an island, the island effect occurs. From these facts, I argue that movement is involved in RNR and demonstrate that Sabbagh’s (2007) linearization-based movement analysis cannot explain the data.

Key words Right Node Raising, islands, across-the-board movement, rightward movement, ellipsis

Directional Constraint Evaluation Solves the Problem of Ties in Harmonic Serialism

Andrew Lamont, Department of Linguistics, University of Massachusetts Amherst

Abstract This squib examines the problem of tied candidates in Harmonic Serialism and presents directional constraint evaluation as a solution. Under standard evaluation, constraints report how many loci of violation a candidate contains and, as a result, cannot differentiate two candidates with equal numbers of violations. Under directional evaluation, constraints report where loci of violation occur and are thus able to distinguish candidates with distinct loci of violation. Alternative tie-breaking mechanisms either fail to solve ties in general or introduce unwanted typological predictions.

Key words Harmonic Serialism, tied candidates, directional constraint evaluation

Rethinking Scope Islands 

Chris Barker, Department of Linguistics New York University

Abstract Relative clauses and tensed clauses are standardly assumed to be scope islands. However, naturally occurring counterexamples are abundant and easy to find. Therefore, we should revisit analyses that reject Quantifier Raising on the assumption that QR is clause-bounded. The data show that scope islands are sensitive to the identity of both the scope-taker and the predicate embedding the island. I propose the Scope Island Subset Constraint: given two scope islands, the scope-takers trapped by one will be a subset of the scope-takers trapped by the other. A simple refinement of semantic types allows encoding and enforcing of scope islands.

Key words scope, scope islands, Quantifier Raising, clause-boundedness, exceptional scope

Predicate Clefting and Long Head Movement in Finnish 

Pauli Brattico, IUSS University School for Advanced Studies

Abstract Head movement constitutes a controversial topic in linguistic theory. Finnish long head movement exhibits an unusual combination of predicate clefting with Ā-movement instead of V-copying. An analysis is developed on the basis of Roberts 1993, 2010 and Chomsky 2008 that relies on a minimal top-down search algorithm that exists as part of a comprehension-based, reverse-engineered Minimalist architecture. Exceptional properties of Finnish head movement are explained as arising from its lexicon, which furnishes the language with an extensive catalogue of left-peripheral discourse-motivated C-features participating in predicate formation. The analysis was formalized and tested using computational tools.

Key words head movement, Finnish, predicate clefts, computational modeling, Minimalism

Ergativity in Tabasaran: A Reply to Woolford 2015 

Natalia Bogomolova, Department of Caucasian Languages, Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Laboratory for Languages of the Caucasus, National Research University Higher School of Economics

Abstract Woolford (2015) distinguishes two types of ergativity—active and object shift—whereas ergativity is not governed by transitivity in any of the languages she examines. However, several languages remain unclassified in Woolford’s typology, among them two Nakh-Daghestanian languages, Archi and Tsez. Woolford inquires whether they belong to the active or object shift type or whether ergativity in these languages depends on transitivity. This article presents data from another Nakh-Daghestanian language, Tabasaran, and shows that this language is best analyzed as an example of traditional transitivity-based ergativity.

Key words ergativity, object shift, transitivity, Tabasaran

Translation Mining: Definiteness across Languages (A Reply to Jenks 2018) 

David Bremmers, Utrecht University

Jianan Liu, Martijn van der Klis, Bert Le Bruyn, Utrecht University, Utrecht Institute of Linguistics OTS (UiL OTS)

Abstract We present a parallel corpus study that compares the distribution of German contracted/uncontracted articles and Mandarin bare nouns/demonstratives. Work by Schwarz (2009) and Jenks (2018) leads us to predict that German contracted articles pattern with Mandarin bare nouns and German uncontracted articles with Mandarin demonstratives. We show that these predictions are only partly borne out and argue for a more fine-grained typology of definiteness.

Key words semantics, definiteness, strong/weak distinction, German, Mandarin

The Grammar of PP-like Free Relatives: Evidence from Subordinate wo-Clauses in German 

Sebastian Bücking, Department of German Philology University of Siegen

Abstract This article addresses the grammar of PP-like free relatives (= PP-FRs) such as the locative clause in Bello schläft, wo Grace schläft ‘Bello is sleeping where Grace is sleeping’. The most prominent compositional analysis of PP-FRs is developed by Caponigro (2004), Caponigro and Pearl (2009), and Hall and Caponigro (2010). They derive PP-FRs from a stacked CP-structure that is based on silent prepositions and a nominal treatment of wh-words such as where. I first argue against this analysis by means of a detailed discussion of subordinate clauses introduced by wo ‘where’ in German. Specifically, I show that wo-clauses do not involve silent prepositions, and that both wo and wo-clauses are prepositional instead of nominal in nature. Second, I sketch a surface-oriented alternative approach to PP-FRs that dispenses with silent prepositions and assigns the prepositional nature of PP-like wh-words a key role in the derivation. Specifically, I propose that the fronting of PP-like wh-words in free relatives licenses an abstraction over predicates (instead of entities) and a corresponding type shifting. I relate the new analysis to analyses of corresponding subordinate headed relative and interrogative clauses. Furthermore, I evaluate it against potential general constraints on higher-order abstraction as argued for, in particular, by Poole (2017).

Key words free relative clauses, adverbial clauses, prepositions, locatives, wh-words, higher-order abstraction, German

Revisiting the Syntax of Monsters in Uyghur 

Abstract Shklovsky and Sudo (2014) propose a syntactic analysis of Uyghur indexical shift, a process by which embedded indexicals such as the counterparts of you and I are interpreted relative to the reported context, as opposed to the present discourse context. Introducing novel data, I offer an alternative analysis: namely, that there are two distinct types of tensed embedded clause that differ in clause structure, size, and the functional heads present within the structure. I correlate these properties with case, agreement, and indexical shift.

Key words indexical shift, Uyghur, raising to object, attitude report, finiteness

Disharmony and the Final-Over-Final Condition in Amahuaca

Emily Clem, Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego

Abstract The Final-over-Final Condition (FOFC) rules out head-final projections that immediately dominate head-initial projections. Syntactically inert particles are known to show (apparent) exceptions to FOFC. However, Biberauer (2017) argues that seemingly FOFC-violating particles comply with a version of FOFC that is relativized to heads within an extended projection (Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014). I present novel data from Amahuaca (Panoan; Peru) in which FOFC is violated by tense-aspect-mood particles within the verbal extended projection. I argue that this FOFC violation cannot be explained by the mechanisms proposed by Biberauer (2017). Instead, a view of FOFC grounded in restrictions on rightward dependencies (Cecchetto 2013, Zeijlstra 2016) predicts the type of exception found in Amahuaca.

Key words Amahuaca, disharmonic word order, Final-over-Final Condition, rightward movement

The Pronoun Which Comprehenders Who Process It in Islands Derive a Benefit 

Christopher Hammerly, Institute of Linguistics, University of Minnesota

Abstract There is ongoing debate about the role that resumptive pronouns play in the processing of islands in intrusive resumption languages such as English. This squib provides evidence that resumptive pronouns facilitate the comprehension of islands in online processing. The results fall in line with filler-gap processing more generally: when fillers are difficult or impossible to keep active, resumption provides support for forming a dependency. This occurs when dependencies span multiple clauses, when memory resources are otherwise taxed, or, as this squib shows, when grammatical constraints such as islands prohibit the use of the active-filler strategy.

Key words resumptive pronouns, intrusive resumption, filler-gap processing, active-filler strategy, islands, language comprehension

Shifting Interactions and Countershifting Opacity: A Note on Opacity in Harmonic Serialism 

Ezer Rasin, Linguistics Department, Tel Aviv University

Abstract This squib proposes to extend the traditional taxonomy of pairwise process interactions (which contains “feeding,” “bleeding,” “counterfeeding,” and “counterbleeding”) to include the classes “shifting” and “countershifting.” A process “shifts” another if it does not feed or bleed it but rather causes it to apply in a different way. “Countershifting” is the opaque counterfactual inverse of shifting, and it fills a terminological gap identified by Kiparsky (2015). The class of countershifting interactions is claimed to be theoretically significant: Harmonic Serialism is able to apply the opaque process in countershifting interactions but generally not in counterfeeding or counterbleeding.

Key words phonology, Harmonic Serialism, opacity, shifting, countershifting

Some Formal Implications of Deletion Saltation 

Jennifer L. Smith, Department of Linguistics, University of North Carolina

Abstract Two classes of saltation alternations (phonological derived-environment effects) are formally distinct under Harmonic Grammar (HG), but formally equivalent under Optimality Theory (OT, with or without local constraint conjunction). The familiar feature-scale saltation pattern cannot be modeled in HG without additional formal devices (White 2013), but deletion saltation arises as a simple gang effect under classic Correspondence Theory faithfulness constraints. If future work finds corresponding empirical differences between the two saltation types (e.g., in learnability), this would support weighted-constraint models such as HG over ranked-constraint models such as OT, and in addition would be evidence against MAX and DEP constraints on privative features and against the *MAP approach to faithfulness.

Key words saltation, phonological derived-environment effect, Harmonic Grammar, cumulative constraint interaction, Correspondence Theory

期刊简介

Linguistic Inquiry leads the field in research on current topics in linguistics. This key resource explores new theoretical developments based on the latest international scholarship, capturing the excitement of contemporary debate in full-scale articles as well as shorter contributions (Squibs and Discussion) and more extensive commentary (Remarks and Replies).

Linguistic Inquiry 在语言学当前话题的研究领域中处于领先地位。本关键资源在最新国际学术研究的基础上发掘新的理论发展，通过完整的文章、简短的贡献（Squibs and Discussion）和广泛的评论（Remarks and Replies）来捕捉当代讨论中令人兴奋的成果。

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